Can Iraq be ruled successfully by a Shia/Kurdish coalition?
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In the 1920s both the Kurdish and Shia populations of Iraq played a role in resisting British colonial rule. In the south Shia religious leaders called for jihad against the British occupation.

Traditionally, the Shias have been strongly influenced by their religious leaders whilst the Sunni Arabs have played prominent roles in the army and government. During the Ottoman period Sunni Arabs like Nuri Said studied at military academies in Istanbul.

When Faisal became king of Iraq in 1921 a semi-democratic form of government was installed with a Parliament modelled on the British system. Many Sunnis took up political careers; the Shia tended to dominate in business and trade. However, the Sunni Arabs were wise enough to ensure that a certain number of ministerial posts, including that of Prime Minister, were often taken by Shia and Kurds.

The cruelties inflicted during Saddam’s rule played a large role in radicalising the Shia and Kurdish communities. Leaders such as Abd al-Aziz al-Hakim, Jalal Talabani and Mustafa Barzani became convinced that their communities would only survive if they were able to control the political arena. They began to lobby for American action against Saddam.

The 11th September 2001 attacks on the Pentagon and World Trade Centre provided a pretext for some anti-Saddam Iraqis to exaggerate Iraq’s military capabilities and aggressive intent in the Middle East. The spectre of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) was used to justify the American invasion.

It became apparent to me during the conference held in London in December 2002 that two agendas were taking shape – the overthrow of Saddam and the installation of a Shia and Kurdish dominated government. Now, six years later, we are faced with the results of these policies.

Kurdish and Shia rule has proved chaotic and divisive, not least for the Kurdish and Shia communities themselves. The dissolution of the Iraqi army and the collapse of border controls between Iraq and Iran allowed Iraqi society to be infiltrated by religious militias. The Iranian government believed, mistakenly, that all Iraqi Shia would favour rule by religious leaders who took their orders direct from Tehran.

Many Iraqi Shia are proud of their religious and national identities and have no wish to become part of a greater Iran. They remember that most Iranians were not even Shia before their forced conversion at the hands of Shah Ismail in the sixteenth century. Why should these relative newcomers to the faith impose their views on people whose ancestors have guarded the holy shrines at Najaf and Karbala since the seventh century?

Now America and the government in Baghdad are faced with distrust between Sunnis, Shias and Kurds and conflict between pro-Iranian and pro-Iraqi Shia militias. This is the inevitable result of a policy based on two errors – belief in the presence of WMD and belief that a country can be ruled successfully on a sectarian basis.

London 20.08.2008
Khalid Issa Taha
Chairman: Lawyers Beyond Borders Organization
Attorney at Law & Legal Consultant
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