Parasites In The Lands Of The Infidels

Egypt’s Resilient and Evolving Social Activism

Why did Trump strike Syria?

In an interview, Amr Adly discusses his recent Carnegie paper on Egypt’s large private enterprises.

It’s Time to Take a Hard Look at the U.S. Relationship With Egypt

As we work to eradicate ISIS, Iraq's Christians, Yizidis need our help now more than ever

Should America’s Refugee Policy Put Persecuted Christians First?

Muslims Were Banned From the Americas as Early as the 16th Century

Review: ‘I Am Not Your Negro’ Will Make You Rethink Race

Inside Trump’s shadow national security council

Turkey in Transition (?): Before and After the Attempted July Coup

Trump Signs Executive Order Curbing Obamacare

Lion's Den :: Daniel Pipes Blog


Aid in reverse: how poor countries develop rich countries

35 Entrepreneurs Making a Difference in the Arab World

Trump could cause ‘the death of think tanks as we know them’

The Arabs had a country

The Islamic State is attaining its key goal, and U.S. media find the story of “limited interest

While the Muslim Brotherhood gets all the ink, the Salafists go on a rampage.

Egypt, I like your style

The warning bells are ringing

To the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces

A test for the Muslim Brotherhood

Egypt’s changing foreign policy

Egypt beyond Mubarak

The dissolution of the NDP

Remaking Cairo from below

Why Egypt should join the ICC

No citizenship without social justice

Mubarak's message

A new era for US-Egypt relations?

The old regime must be prosecuted

Revolution Interrupted? Liberating the media

The Brotherhood on the edge of reform


Buying the People’s Assembly

What do Salafis really want?

A state of counter-emergency

Minimum wage a cure for 'corruption'

Beyond the referendum

Reform security, secure reform

The Tunisian Revolution: Initial Reflections

The Egyptian Revolution: First Impressions from the Field

Lest the revolution turn into a wasted opportunity

The U.S. Should Not Get Involved in Libya

Five positions on the revolution

Urbanised Islam behind Pakistan's Sufi shrine bombings

Rethinking Internal Security in Egypt

Leo Strauss and the Grand Inquisitor

Push ahead now for a solution in Palestine

The Ongoing Attacks on Egypt’s Coptic Christians


Saudi Arabia and the Spectre of Protest

America Quiet on the Execution of Afghan Christian Said Musa

Egypt’s Copts in Al-Qaeda’s Sights

The Worldwide Danger of Religious Fundamentalism

Tread Softly



The global force behind Mumbai’s agony is in our midst

Some Discussions about Qur’an, Violence and Fitnah

Terror in the Name of God

The Adventure of an Islamic Reformer at Oxford, London, and Istanbul

Thank God for Justice

Using C hristian Principles to Enhance Economic Theory and Practice:

Worldwide Hate Speech Laws?

Freedom Agenda In Flames

Commentary: Candidates should seek votes of Muslim-Americans

Why Barack is Winning?

Indian Muslims and 'Terrorism': Some Searching Questions

Taqlid, Ijtihad, and Democracy

Election 08: Senator Obama, American Muslims and IslamophobiaStatement of Concerned Scholars about I

Struggling against sectarianism: Shia-Sunni ecumenism

“Happy Eid” from Turkey

Book Review: Islam in Post-Modern World

The Concept of Jihad in Islam

Downhill in Afghanistan:

> How Not to Toast a Tyrant

How Not to Toast a Tyrant

Manufacturing 'Terrorists' The Indian Way

Madrasas: Reforms a Must


Fort Lauderdale's Anatolia Cultural Center endeavors to 'show the real Islam'

The Balance of Tomorrow:

Book Review: Aurangzeb Revisited

America wants Iraq’s last drop of oil

Terrorising Muslims in the Name of Countering Terrorism

A proposal for new Iraqi/US co-operation and a suggestion of how this can be achieved

How will the Georgian struggle affect Iraq?

Is Obama a man of action as well as words?

Can moderate Iraqis believe Obama’s promises?

Can Iraq be ruled successfully by a Shia/Kurdish coalition?

Name of the Book: Issues in Madrasa Education in India

Dangerous Portents in Jammu and Kashmir: A View From Doda

London School of Islamics

Rethinking Kashmir Politics

Norman G. Kurland, J.D

Sir Salman Rushdie's fatwa against freedom of expression

You Still Can't Write About Muhammad

Muslim Women: The Dangerous Triangle

Judeo-Christian "Rights of Liberty" (and Muslim "Rights of Justice," as well ???)

Turkey's dangerous message to the Muslim world

Captive to a Discarded Cause

Egypt's sexual harassment 'cancer'

The Origins and Legacy of the Movement to Fight Religious Persecution


A secular state must deliver

“Islamic Economics” – Islam less, economics more-1

Exploiting the Muslim- Jewish divide is the wrong way to win votes.

How To Win The War Of Ideas (Glassman, WSJ)

The Olympic Games—Political Games?

Me without my Hijab

The changing face of American Islam

An Islamic case for a secular state

Getting a read on moderation


Muslim Ghettoisation

Hurting their cause

Allah's Miracles in the Qur'an

Allah's Miracles in the Qur'an

Things are calm, time to talk

Awaiting China ’s implosion

The view from Bali

Why Blame Muslims Alone for Terrorism?

Consequences of Religious Extremism and the Lack of Democratic Principles

Cultural Accumulation and Modern Reading

Liberation Without War

Gaza's New Residents: Terrorists from all over.

Turkey in radical revision of Islamic texts

From the Archive
The Islamic History between Democracy and Despotism
Fatwas Part Sixty-Eight
Quranists Arrests in Egypt Proves Government Radicalism
Steve Jobs and Salafism
Fatwas Part One-Hundred-and-Eight
Refuting the So-Called 'Moderate Islam' of the Saudi Crown-Prince
Fatwas Part One-Hundred-and-Forty-Six
The Islamic Reformer Ahmed Subhy Mansour says
History of Hadith, What Every Muslim Should Know
The Quranic Chapter 77 and the Meaning of Denying Both the Quran and the Last Day
intelligence Swiss forged document , and Elghanam's disappearance
Le Hamas et l'Iran sont responsables du sang des victimes à Gaza
The Suicide Bomber
Our Views on the Big Bang Theory, Homosexuality, and the Darwinist Evolution Theory
Which Group Does Harbor More Enmity Towards Prophet Muhammad: the Egyptian Coptic Christians or the Extremists among the Muhammadans?
Fatwas: Part Thirty-Nine
PART IX: The Names of the Last Prophet in the Holy Quran
The Quranic Expression of the Trumpet is Blown
Pieces of Advice Addressed to the Palestinians for the Last Time: Regarding What Should Be Done
The Interview of Dr. A. S. Mansour with Al-Arab Newspaper
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A test for the Muslim Brotherhood

  by: : Amr el-Shobaki


Since the 1970s, the Muslim Brotherhood has been gaining valuable political experience by participating is student and trade union union activism, as well as parliamentary elections. This level of engagement political affairs was unknown to the Brotherhood prior to the July 1952 revolution, when the group had virtually no parliamentary or trade union representation. At the time, the Brotherhood organized social and religious activities and maintained a strong presence in student circles, but had no political representation.

Over the last 30 years, the Brotherhood has faced the challenge of maintaining an institutional framework, established by its founder Hassan Al-Banna in 1928, that combines political activism and religious outreach. As a result, the Brothers have viewed political activism as central to their work. The Brotherhood’s recent decision to form a political party, the Freedom and Justice Party, is a step toward separating its political and religious activities; it marks the beginning of the movement’s “second founding.”

There are some indications that the Freedom and Justice Party will operate simply as a political arm of the movement, remaining under the Brotherhood’s organizational jurisdiction. Despite these discouraging signs, the establishment of a political party will eventually lead to a historic transformation in the movement’s membership. For the first time in Brotherhood history, new members will join on the basis of political convictions, not as a result of religious outreach. Ordinary Egyptians will thus be able to influence the party’s future and shape its relationship with the Brotherhood movement.

As it moves forward, the Freedom and Justice Party will face two major challenges. First, the party must maintain the broader movement’s values without adopting its organizational program. It must strive to uphold Islamic principles without simply becoming the Brotherhood’s political arm. Many political parties in the United States and other democratic countries have been influenced by strong religious, social and political movements. But wherever political parties have emerged as mere extensions of religious movements (i.e. in Sudan and Afghanistan) they have been unsuccessful. By contrast, the Turkish and Malaysian experiences suggest that Islamist parties who maintain some autonomy from the movements from which they emerged are more likely to achieve political success.

Second, the Freedom and Justice Party faces the challenge of establishing a civilian and democratic party with a religious frame of reference. The party will be subject to all civilian and democratic rules governing the political process, after decades of political failure for which both successive Egyptian regimes and Islamist movements are to blame.

The Muslim Brotherhood has a unique opportunity that has not been afforded to other ideological currents, such as the leftists and nationalists. The unprecedented democratic wave in the Arab world offers a historic opportunity for the peaceful integration of Islamist currents, most notably the Muslim Brotherhood, within a democratic framework. The only condition for integration is that Islamist movements respect the democratic rules of the game and the tenets of a civil state, as well as recognize the priorities of the Egyptian people —namely, securing bread, dignity, freedom, and national independence.

Any party with a religious frame of reference can successfully contribute to Egypt’s renaissance if it respects democratic and civil principles. Such parties must also recognize that their religious character does not grant them privileged status over other parties. Such status can only be afforded on the basis of a party's political program. Much like other political forces, the Brotherhood is at a crossroads. The movement can either contribute to Egypt’s renaissance or become entangled in an ideological battle that takes it back to the pre-revolutionary era. The Brotherhood must recognize that it can only gain the trust of the Egyptian people by offering tangible solutions to the myriad political and economic problems facing post-Mubarak Egypt